In the Line of Fire: A Memoir by Pervez Musharraf

Product Description

According to Time magazine, Pakistan's President Pervez Musharraf holds "the world's most dangerous job." He has twice come within inches of assassination. His forces have caught more than 670 members of al Qaeda in the mountains and cities, yet many others remain at large and active, including Osama bin Laden and Ayman Al Zawahiri. Long locked in a deadly embrace with its nuclear neighbor India, Pakistan has come close to full-scale war on two occasions since it first exploded a nuclear bomb in 1998. As President Musharraf struggles for the security and political future of his nation, the stakes could not be higher for the world at large.


It is unprecedented for a sitting head of state to write a memoir as revelatory, detailed, and gripping as In the Line of Fire. Here, for the first time, readers can get a firsthand view of the war on terror in its central theater. President Musharraf details the manhunts for Osama and Zawahiri and their top lieutenants, complete with harrowing cat-and-mouse games, informants, interceptions, and bloody firefights. He tells the stories of the near-miss assassination attempts, not only against himself but against Shaukut Aziz (later elected prime minister) and one of his top army officers (later the vice chief of army staff), and of the abduction and beheading of Daniel Pearl -- as well as the forensic and shoe-leather investigations that uncovered the perpetrators. He details the army's mountain operations that have swept several valleys clean, and he talks about the areas of North Waziristan where al Qaeda is still operating.


Yet the war on terror is just one of the many headline-making subjects in In the Line of Fire. The full story of the events that brought President Musharraf to power in 1999 is told for the first time. He reveals new details of the 1999 confrontation with India in Kashmir (the Kargil conflict) and offers a proposal for resolving the Kashmir dispute.


He offers a portrait of Mullah Omar, with stories of Pakistan's attempts to negotiate with him. Concerning A. Q. Khan and his proliferation network, he explains what the government knew and when it knew it, and he reveals fascinating details of Khan's operations and the investigations into them.


In addition, President Musharraf takes many stances that will make news. He calls for the Muslim world to recognize Israel once a viable Palestinian state is created. He urges the repeal of Pakistan's 1979 Hudood law. He calls for the emancipation of women and for their full political equality with men. He tells the sad story of Pakistan's experience with democracy and what he has done to make it workable.

Product Details
Amazon Sales Rank: #101113 in Books
Published on: 2006-09-25
Released on: 2006-09-25
Number of items: 1
Binding: Hardcover
368 pages
Editorial Reviews

From The Washington Post's Book World/washingtonpost.com
Gen. Pervez Musharraf, Pakistan's military president, is a contradictory figure: a dictator convinced that he's the best hope for democracy, a moderate Muslim reluctant to confront fundamentalists, a powerful man who exudes confident aplomb but suffers from lifelong insecurity as a migrant in his own land.

In the Line of Fire, Musharraf's English-language memoir, is an equally contradictory effort to explain himself to a Western world that largely views Pakistan as a fount of Islamist terrorism, a potential nuclear threat and an impoverished, military-ruled desert in the sullen shadow of shining, democratic India. In pursuit of international absolution, Musharraf -- who seized power in 1999 -- devotes many pages to his vision of a modern Pakistan, his values as a soldier, his disillusionment with corrupt civilian leaders, his efforts to seek peace with India and his contributions to the war on terrorism.

Last month, he launched an extraordinary pre-publication charm offensive in New York and Washington. The bespectacled general bantered easily with Jon Stewart on "The Daily Show" and earned an impromptu sales boost from President Bush after a joint White House press conference. ("Buy the book," a smiling Bush told reporters.) But before it hit the stores, In the Line of Fire had been dissected by a wide array of critics. In the United States, Musharraf kicked up a storm by accusing a former deputy secretary of state, Richard L. Armitage, of threatening to bomb Pakistan "back to the Stone Age" in the wake of 9/11 if it chose al-Qaeda and its Taliban hosts over the United States. (Armitage has acknowledged the stark tenor of his message but flatly denied making such a military threat.) In India, outraged critics focused on Musharraf's description of a summit with India, where he charges that its then-prime minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, backed out of an agreement over the disputed territory of Kashmir because mysterious higher powers had overruled and "humiliated" Vajpayee.

But the worst vitriol came from Pakistan itself, where some critics trashed the book as a self-serving rewrite of history that betrays the nation's interest. For example, Musharraf goes to great lengths to prove that Pakistan's 1999 invasion of the mountainous Kargil district of Kashmir, a political and military disaster, was a triumph that will someday be "written in golden letters." Others expressed outrage at Musharraf's excoriation of A.Q. Khan, the Pakistani scientist who is believed to have sold nuclear know-how to pariah regimes such as Iran, North Korea and Libya but who remains a hero to many Pakistanis. Musharraf, under heat from Washington over Khan's activities, portrays him here as a greedy rogue who somehow managed to hide all his evil deeds from the government.

Many of the negative notices ring true. Alternately coy and candid, Musharraf glosses airily over unanswered questions, denies widespread reports that leaders of Afghanistan's Taliban movement are operating inside Pakistan and portrays himself as staunchly opposed to Islamic fundamentalism, even though he has backed off on many reforms in deference to radical clerics. Even when expressing noble sentiments, Musharraf can undercut his message with clumsy insults and undiplomatic observations that might have been better left unsaid. (After all, how do you edit a dictator?)

But despite its limits as a window into history, In the Line of Fire offers valuable insights -- sometimes intentionally, sometimes not -- about an important U.S. partner in the war on terrorism whose powerful, secretive military-intelligence apparatus was once the Taliban's chief patron.

At some points, the story is gripping simply because the author was at the center of it. Much has been written about the coup that brought Gen. Musharraf to power after then-president Nawaz Sharif tried to fire him while he was on a commercial plane heading home from a foreign trip. Now, we are finally in the cockpit of the fuming general's plane as his pilot is ordered not to land -- even though the craft has only moments of fuel left.

The most compelling episodes are the operations launched to hunt down al-Qaeda operatives and suicide bombers, especially after two attempts on Musharraf's life in 2003. The dutiful reader is snapped to attention by dramatic chases that read like a thriller, full of fascinating details that only an insider would know -- and perhaps outsiders should not. For instance, Musharraf reveals that, during various operations, Pakistani agents have found a piece of shirt collar from a suicide bomber and traced it to his hometown tailor, used an elaborate system to track cell phone use among suspects, and covered themselves in burqas to shadow and snatch a major al-Qaeda figure.

In Musharraf's zeal to prove his counterterrorist bona fides, he exaggerates the importance of some captives and gloats over successful missions, clearly enjoying the experience of calling Bush in May 2005 to say Pakistan has captured an al-Qaeda leader, Abu Faraj al-Libbi. (Musharraf then undiplomatically calls Libbi "the one al Qaeda operative whose name Bush knew, apart from Osama bin Laden and Dr. Ayman al-Zawahiri.")

The book also airs some military dirty laundry that may infuriate Musharraf's own institutions. The general acknowledges hurt and bewilderment at being passed over for promotions early in his career, much as he confesses to schoolboy pranks and slights of a half-century ago after his family fled India during the chaotic partition that created Pakistan in 1947.

In his writing, as in many of his public comments, Musharraf can prove both his own best salesman and his own worst enemy. Still, this memoir tells us a great deal about a military Muslim leader we need to understand -- and about a country to which we should have been paying much more attention.

Reviewed by Pamela Constable
Copyright 2006, The Washington Post. All Rights Reserved.

About the Author
Pervez Musharraf has been the president of Pakistan since 1999. As a 4-year old, he moved to Karachi upon the partition of India and creation of Pakistan, and his lifespan and career has been tied to the life of his country ever since. After attending Pakistan's military academy he became a commando in the elite Special Services Brigade, fighting in the wars with India in 1965 and 1971. He rose through the ranks to become General and Chief of Army Staff in 1998. He became president in a dramatic confrontation with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, and has remained in office despite two assassination attempts.
Customer Reviews

An Outsider's Glimpse into Pakistan
I highly recommend Pervez Musharraf's memoir In the Line of Fire. When reading someone's memoirs the reader has to keep in mind that those words are written from one person's perspective on events throughout that person's life. That is what President Pervez Musharraf's In the Line of Fire is - this individual's perception on the way he sees things and the events he participated in.

For what it's worth I'm glad I now have a good understanding about why Western-styled democracy doesn't really work in Pakistan. If a nation is half illiterate (48%) and people cannot read or write, they won't be able to understand or debate the issues. For a nation that is still very feudalistic with tribal loyalties and clan loyalties and with an elaborate caste and sub-caste system as described by President Musharraf, then democracy won't work. When the Bhuttos claimed they were "democratizing" the nation, they didn't do it - they copied off the Soviets where they removed private ownership of all businesses and everything was under the control of the government. This is socialism.

President Musharraf also stated that the movie Blackhawk Down featured only American troops in the battle in Somalia. Interesting how the movie producers neglected to mention that other countries had sent troops in, and that it was the Malaysians and the Pakistanis who helped rescue the trapped crew from the Blackhawk helicopter after it was shot down inside Mogadishu, not American forces, as we were all led to believe.

Perhaps the President revealed too much about how they tracked down those who were involved in the suicide bombings in the assassination attempts on his life. Now perhaps the planners or plotters will think twice about trying any future assassinations because eventually they will get caught. But here is something for would-be assassins or terrorists to ponder if they ever have a chance to read this review: even if you do succeed in blowing up one another, using robots or technogical devices, and shattering infrastructure, evidence can be gathered at crime scenes and others who were involved will eventually be found.

As far as President Musharraf removing A. Q. Khan from his position and placing him under house arrest, the Pakistani people may need to take a hard look at the countries he sold the technology to - countries that are considered by the West as rogue nations and are very dangerous. I understand that when Bhutto and A. Q. helped establish Pakistan's top-secret weapons program for the nation, it placed Pakistan on an even footing with its neighbor India and, more importantly, with Israel. It is one thing to develop a nuclear weapons program for your own country's use and protection - it's quite another to sell that technology to very dangerous countries such as Iran and North Korea. And A. Q. Khan should be thankful that the most punishment he got was house arrest because what he did was very treasonous behavior; in many countries treason carries a penalty of death.

It was a good thing to read that Pakistan has taken steps to revamping their madrassas. I was glad to read that madrassas are required to register with the government of Pakistan and that all subjects are taught, not just religion. Those who comply with government standards in accordance with a syllabus provided by the government are the ones who receive funding. I would say those changes are long overdue.

In the chapter called Manhunt it was fascinating to learn that many foreign fighters in Afghanistan fled the battlefield (not so brave, are you?) and crossed the mountains into Pakistan where they were eventually captured. When Pakistan offered to extradite them back to their home countries and if the country refused them (who wants a troublemaker on their soil anyway?) they were then handed over to the United States.

President Musharraf stated that he has done what he can to help build tourism in his country - something else that has not been done before. Also establishing a cultural arts program for Pakistan may help the rest of us understand what Pakistan has to offer the world. And, yes, I'm glad that he defied his country's religious leaders by counter-arguing that music and dancing are not "un-Islamic".

Since I am not a historian, nor a Pakistani, nor an Indian, nor a Muslim, nor am I familiar with all events in Pakistan or in Central Asia but instead a private citizen who is interested in various parts of the world, I have found President Pervez Musharraf's memoir to be of relevant value. I highly recommend this book to anyone who would like an inside look at one of the countries who aligned themselves with the U. S. in the global war on terrorism.

Propaganda not literature
The problem with most dictators is that at some point of time they begin to believe the propaganda that they put out about themselves. For example, Musharraf, tells an anecdote about his uncle who wagered that he would slap the bald head of a stranger three times. This old joke has been doing the rounds of India and Pakistan for the last fifty years and I find it oddly disturbing that Musharraf can attribute it to his own family. Knowing that this is probably an untruth, I begin to question almost everything else in the book, including his own loyalty in the war on terror as well as his intentions towards India.

Good read but sensationalist and opinionated!
Disclaimer - I support no political organization and do not have an 'Indian' mindset. I was born in Pakistani middle class, educated family (just like Musharraf) and consider myself 'Pakistani' to the core.

Review - This book is an interesting read but one should not expect a sitting head of state to publish a book that is 'honest'. For that matter, its naive to expect any politician to write a book that details facts honestly and analyzes them objectively.
The book is a narrative of the 'great' things Musharraf is doing for Pakistan. Its a narrative of self-praise and vitriolic spite for enemies. I would take all facts stated with a pinch of salt.
Finally, the timing of the book, when YOU are the sitting head of a country, is a way to make a quick buck with blatant disregard of the ruckus your self-eulogy will cause.

The facts speak for themselves:
1. Musharraf continues to remain a sole monarch where the Chief Justice, the guardian of law and order, is forced to resign by men in uniform.
2. Poverty and inflation are rampant at the same time. The rich drive inflation high and the poor become more poor.
3. Crime is rampant, people get mugged, shot at during daylight. Every urban family has experienced a car-jacking at gun point.
4. Corruption has permeated every government and semi-goverment organization. Religious clerics have declared bribery justified because without it nothing gets done.

This is the 7 year legacy Musharraf intends to leave behind, assuming that he intends to or forced to leave, ever. The same legacy left by Bhuttos' or Nawazs'